NOVEMBER 10, 2010
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Over a perfectly prepared bowl of cholent, the coarse stew to which all Galicianer souls are superstitiously attached, I sat in the kosher restaurant in Munich last week, on the gleaming modernist island of the city’s new Jewish institutions, and read the correspondence between Gershom Scholem and Hannah Arendt, which has just been published in Germany. The radio played American oldies of the 1960s, in a pernicious attempt to make me feel at home. The situation was emotionally impossible, of course. It did not help that Thilo Sarrazin’s vile book, in which he deploys against Muslims in Germany the same argument that, from the eighteenth century onward, was deployed against Jews in Germany—they live apart, they have laws of their own, they do not integrate well—was flying out of the local bookstores. Some Germans are again mistaking alterity for a security threat. A day earlier I made my pilgrimage to the Glyptothek, which houses the single most erotic piece of stone I have ever seen, the ancient Greek statue of a languid satyr known as the Barberini Faun, and discovered again that flesh may envy the condition of marble; and when somehow I tore my eyes away from the imperishably beautiful man and stepped out into the Königsplatz, I found myself in the former epicenter of Nazism, on the plaza where in 1933 the books were burned, with the old headquarters of the Nazi Party still overlooking the square. Not for the first time I had the disagreeable experience of evil humiliating beauty. So I fled to the cholent and lost myself in Scholem, an old habit.
The letters begin where one would expect them to begin—with Walter Benjamin, his fate (Arendt sends the news of his suicide to Scholem from Montauban) and the fate of his manuscripts—and ends where one would expect them to end—with the rupture of their friendship over Eichmann in Jerusalem, which Scholem rightly despised. The friendship seems never to have been very warm. But there are hundreds of pages of letters about a common enterprise that more than once brought me to the brink of tears. In 1944, Arendt prepared a “Tentative List of Jewish Cultural Treasures in Axis-Occupied Countries” for the Commission on European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, and in 1948 she became executive director of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, for whom she went on an extended fact-finding mission in Europe in 1949 - 1950, searching for Jewish ceremonial objects and, mainly, for Jewish books. The new volume reproduces her “field reports.” She establishes that there are caches of Jewish books in Munich, Amberg, Neuburg, Nuernberg, and Wuerzburg. There are 1,239 books with the stamp of the Jewish community in the Munich Municipal Library. In Heidelberg, two hundred Jewish books “of more than ordinary interest” have been returned by the Municipal Library to Mr. Sprecher, the librarian of the local Jewish library. Fifty thousand Jewish books are in a printing shop in Poestneck, where the SS brought them. A huge depot of Jewish books, assembled by the Nazis, is in Offenbach, and some of it has been distributed to Jews in DP camps. In the old Jewish community building in the eastern sector of Berlin, there are between eight thousand and ten thousand Jewish books as well as many archives, and “at least 70 bound volumes of Ketuwoth [marriage contracts] from Amsterdam covering at least a period of 250 years or more.” “Considerable quantities of Judaica and Hebraica are now being offered through dealers from the eastern zones because of an acute lack of money.” In Worms, a certain Dr. Illert is refusing to relinquish some treasures, because “in his opinion, Worms will get some Jews back, if he only holds on to what he has.” Arendt writes to Scholem about her investigations. He writes back to her with his characteristic ferocity of purpose. It makes no sense to restore the books to localities that have no more Jews. He wants them to be allocated to the place where Jews will use them—to Jerusalem. “I herewith file the claim of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem with regard to the material in France.” “I feel that the Bavarian archives should be allocated to the Hebrew University.” He cannot understand why Hermann Cohen’s library would be shipped anywhere else. He asks Arendt to send him the full list of the rare books at the huge depot in Wiesbaden. He insists upon the “priority rights” of the Hebrew University to “things which exist only in one copy,” and to archives that “are of general Jewish historical significance.” His goal is a living and self-respecting culture, which must be built on a foundation of books, and even manuscripts.
Jewish Cultural Reconstruction recovered 1.5 million Jewish books. What are 1.5 million recovered books, next to 6 million unrecovered people? It is a fair question, except that there was nothing petty or indecent about this bibliophilia. This was a campaign for the re-capture of a people’s dignity. Its objective was to affirm the sovereignty of the Jews over their own resources. The book-hunt in the ruins was based on a proper understanding of the historical role, and the spiritual power, of the books that were hunted. They are the edifices of the Jews. I hold my palaces in my hands. My cathedrals are on my shelves. One loves books because one loves life. Is it possible any longer to grasp that books once meant so much? Does anybody still weep for lost books? It is an illusion that digitalization has made culture less vulnerable: it has invented a new method of erasure. I can morbidly imagine a day when they come for the Kindles, and the only way to save a piece of a culture will be to print out a book and take the paper into hiding, until hell passes. The common enemy of Scholem and Arendt was oblivion. Oblivion comes in many forms. There is natural oblivion, the Ozymandian kind, the ordinary forgetfulness that secures the future against the disabling suspicion that everything has already been done; and there is unnatural oblivion, coerced oblivion, the apparently ineradicable desire to wipe some group or some culture from the face of the earth. A people that has suffered unnatural oblivion will find it hard to acquiesce in the natural sort, because it looks like disappearance by another name. It is said that the “memory” of the computer marks the end of oblivion. I think not: cyberspace, too, is a sinkhole. The only defense against oblivion is the human defense—the will to remember, to defy time, which must be nurtured with reasons. War is not the only circumstance that enjoins cultural reconstruction.
Leon Wieseltier is the literary editor for The New Republic. This article ran in the December 2, 2010, issue of the magazine.
9 comments
Excellent article. People might also be interested in the correspondence between Leni Yahil und Hannah Arendt, 1961-1971: "When Hannah Arendt went to Jerusalem in the spring of 1961 to observe the Eichmann trial, she befriended Leni Yahil, a German-born historian and Holocaust researcher. They began a correspondence that alternates between personal, philosophical and political issues. In 1963, after the publication of Arendt's articles on the Eichmann trials, it ended abruptly. Yahil's attempt to revive the correspondence eight years later failed: their friendship did not withstand the "Arendt controversy"." http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2010-09-24-arendtyahil-en.html
- jdyer
November 23, 2010 at 11:30pm
There is also a very interesting interview with and Israeli philosopher Elhanan Yakira who also talks about Hannah Arendt: http://www.jewishideasdaily.com/content/detail/continue-reading-left-in-zion
- jdyer
November 24, 2010 at 6:59pm
- rlgordonma
November 27, 2010 at 8:05am
It is interesting to note that the article mention a controversy with Arendt and Eichman with out saying a word about it. I am not surprised because of Mr. Wieseltier near hatred of Israel. As a Shoa survivor, I listened to the trial everyday. The trial was a model of fairness for any nation often upsetting me for it's fairness way beyond the necessary. Arendt's dissatisfaction with Israel's trial of Eichman made her for me forever a traitor to the Jewish nation. If there was a hell she could burn in it.
- Poupic
November 27, 2010 at 12:47pm
Was their common enemy 'oblivion' for the guilty - amnesty or pardon, though hardly meant this way for 300 years, or 'oblivion' for a people? The 'six million' will always be unrecovered, as unrecoverable as any of us will be when we finally are no longer knowable. Finite memory makes it so. The danger to civilization is that all, both guilty and guiltless, will be unclaimed, in the lost but never found. No one will be left to say, "This is what I did, and it was truly evil, and now you must live knowing that you have no choice except to claim me as one of you." And soon no one will be left who can be claimed as more than "she died in the War and my father never spoke of her." It will just be 'the Nazis' and 'the Jews', and class membership makes for only cultural curiosity - an exercise in Logos. It is "Aunt Yetta - she had such pretty ankles" and "Chaya - oy, she could sing to break your heart": now, Pathos is the stuff of memory. And so each of those million books is one life - some one person who agonized over it and wrote it, or who owned it, read it, and knew it. And now that book is in your safekeeping, just as when one person asks another for succor, although the request often comes too late. The book has more than intellectual or virtual presence; you call it up without embarrassment at 3AM, smell it or taste it (not that I've done that) just like your sweetie, ask it, "What did you mean when you said this on page 173?" And since neither of you is quite sure, that question itself becomes an occasion to laugh together. No jealousy and no rancor. It is just one context out of many for your being, no less than Keats amidst all your dearest arcana. Which maybe is why Scholem wanted them in Jersusalem. He thought somebody would want to know each of them by name, but just there.
- davidblock
November 27, 2010 at 2:14pm
I have read Leon Wieseltier articles with interest over the last few years and always enjoyed them although often disagreed. However, I am shocked by his appropriating for Galitzianer what is universal Jewish Sabbath comfort food. As the grandchild of a LITVAK bubbie, I was raised on cholent as were my Sepharadi friends who called it Hammim. What will be the next victim of Mr. Wieseltier's Galitzianer hubris - gegilte fish or ptchah?
- eugeneroth
November 27, 2010 at 3:03pm
**I hold my palaces in my hands. My cathedrals are on my shelves. One loves books because one loves life. Is it possible any longer to grasp that books once meant so much? Does anybody still weep for lost books?** This is powerful stuff. May Mr. Wieseltier continue to write with such cathartic forcefulness.
- Konstantin
November 27, 2010 at 11:47pm
"It did not help that Thilo Sarrazin’s vile book, in which he deploys against Muslims in Germany the same argument that, from the eighteenth century onward, was deployed against Jews in Germany—they live apart, they have laws of their own, they do not integrate well—was flying out of the local bookstores. Some Germans are again mistaking alterity for a security threat." Really? In what was is the condition of Muslims in Germany today comparable to the condition of Jews in Germany in 1935? Did the Jews in Germany have a homeland they could escape to, if the worse came to worse? Did they have a UN to defend their rights even when those rights encroach upon the rights of a democracy to maintain its democratic pillars? Did they have 1.4 Billion Jews humming in the background, and in possession of the most important resource in the world? How easily comes the analogy, as if there is even remote similarity between the precariousness of Jewish existence in Europe and the condition of the present community of Muslims in the same place. As the British journalist Oliver Kamm says: "Historical analogies are never exact but sometimes useful. If they are to be useful, then the precedent needs at a minimum to be stated accurately." When done in Leon Wieseltier's way, which I cannot as yet find a word for, it creates some sort of interchangeability between the two parts of the analogy. So if Muslims today are in the same place Jews were in 1935, then the situation of Jews in 1935 cannot have been so bad and foreboding as Jews today describe it. And the rest follows.
- NR165279
November 29, 2010 at 12:44pm
"Really? In what was is the condition o..." Really? In what WAY is the condition o..
- NR165279
November 29, 2010 at 12:45pm