POLITICS DECEMBER 3, 2011
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When Barack Obama ran for president, he claimed that improving early childhood education would be a hallmark of his education reform agenda. Unfortunately, his policies in office have not lived up to that promise. Over the past three years, other education issues—Race to the Top funds for K-12 schools, Pell grants for low-income college students, and K-12 reforms like Common Core standards, teacher evaluation, and charter schools—have all taken priority and defined the administration’s education agenda, with early childhood education falling by the wayside.
Moreover, what efforts the administration has made to focus on the country’s youngest children have been deeply problematic. Take the Early Learning Challenge, a new competitive grant program for states intended to improve early education. When the Obama administration announces the grant winners later this month, it will likely be touting the program’s promise. Upon closer inspection, however, it’s clear that the Early Learning Challenge will probably prove to be too little, too late.
IN THE SPRING of 2011, after years of disappointments, early childhood education advocates became hopeful that the Obama administration was finally ready to adopt a more aggressive federal role in promoting early learning. Of the $700 million included in the 2011 federal budget for Race to the Top (RTT), the administration chose to use the majority—$500 million—to fund a new early childhood-focused RTT competition called Early Learning Challenge. Taking a page from RTT, Early Learning Challenge was designed to award funds on a competitive basis to states with the best plans to measurably improve children’s readiness for school. Some early childhood advocates were moved to euphoria. The First Five Years Fund, a national early childhood advocacy group, called the new grant program “an unprecedented opportunity to make dramatic progress” in improving early learning. White House Education Advisor Roberto Rodriguez told reporters that “We believe this [iteration of] Race to the Top can have the same kind of impact” as the original.
Even before new grant program got out the gate, however, it quickly became clear that its rollout was poorly timed. The administration’s prior RTT program achieved its greatest successes by spurring state legislatures to enact major policy changes—adopting federal standards, raising charter school caps, establishing new teacher evaluation systems—in order to better position themselves to win large pots of grant money. More than 20 states passed legislation to improve their RTT chances.
Early Learning Challenge, by contrast, has spurred only one state, Florida, to take legislative action. That’s because state legislatures weren’t made aware of the program’s details until it was too late. Because congressional budget negotiations dragged on until April, the administration didn’t announce the ELC program until late May and details of the program emerged only in July, after most state legislatures had adjourned. Moreover, the relatively modest amount of money in play (up to $100 million for the largest states) simply wasn’t enough to entice legislatures back into session.
The program has also been marred by a half-hearted public relations campaign. With state legislatures failing take up the issue, and Obama not finding much time to talk about it either, Early Learning Challenge has failed to spark the kind of national debate around early childhood education that Race to the Top did for school reform. RTT was a success not least because the sustained public attention it received produced a ripple effect: The Obama administration managed to turn teacher evaluation, common standards, and charter schools into high-profile issues, fueling state and district policy changes even after the competition ended. ELC, in contrast, has received little mainstream media attention and is virtually unknown outside of early childhood education circles. On the very day 35 states submitted ELC applications, New York Times columnist Nick Kristoff penned a column decrying the Obama administration’s lack of action on early childhood policy—with no acknowledgement of ELC.
Even more troublesome than the program’s poor timing and promotion, however, are the specific quality standards that the Obama administration’s Early Learning Challenge seeks to impose. The grant program was designed to improve quality across the full range of programs serving children up to age 5 through something called “Quality Rating and Improvement Systems” (QRIS). Like restaurant reviews, QRIS assign a star rating to child care and pre-K programs, evaluating them against defined quality standards for things like teacher qualifications, classroom quality, and family engagement. Those ratings are supposed to help parents choose better child care. Also, programs with more stars receive financial incentives, while those with less get help to improve. To compete for ELC money, states must commit to establish a statewide QRIS that includes all publicly funded early childhood programs in the state.
Unfortunately, there’s not much evidence that creating QRIS will produce any significant improvements in children’s readiness to learn. Because many of these programs are relatively new, there is little research on their effectiveness. The research that does exist is not encouraging: A study of Colorado’s acclaimed Qualistar QRIS by researchers at the RAND Corporation found little to no evidence of a relationship between childcare programs’ star ratings and child outcomes.
Further, increased use of QRIS could have a number of unintended negative consequences. Since the proposed rating system places a heavy emphasis on costly inputs like classroom furnishings and teacher education, QRIS could drive up costs at a time when many families are already struggling to afford child care and cash-strapped states are ill-equipped to make large new investments.
Of course, President Obama is right about one thing: Early learning should be the first step to improving America’s school systems. Fortunately, the administration has other, more promising, initiatives, such as new regulations designed to weed out the weakest Head Start programs. Improving quality and outcomes in Head Start, which increases poor children’s school readiness but could do much better, is a critical first step. The administration should also overhaul current federal policies that hinder efforts to improve collaboration and quality among early childhood programs.
But the most important thing that President Obama should be doing is speaking out passionately about the issue, as he once used to do. At the beginning of his term, in March 2009, Obama gave a seminal education speech in March 2009, in which he called investments in early childhood “the first pillar of reforming our schools.” At a time when child poverty is rising, one in four children under the age of five live in poverty, and state and federal programs for young children are under attack, our youngest children are in desperate need for a return of that kind of passion from the president.
Sara Mead is an associate partner with Bellwether Education Partners. She advised states in developing their Early Learning Challenge applications.
3 comments
we should put the onus on where it belongs, on idiotic Republicans. In my home district they closed an exceptional pre-school run by the district because of budget cuts by that ahole Gov. Corbett. Even in Mexico pre-school is universal starting from age 3. If the state of Oaxaca can afford universal pre-school then sure as hell Pa. can. The republicans are at war against America, it is very difficult to fight this war on so many fronts when these lunatics are against clean air, clean water, early childhood education, etc. It is effing exhausting. There is only so much that can be done when half the country is pretty much out of their minds believing against all logic and the lessons of history that less government = awesome.
- blackton
December 4, 2011 at 3:35pm
Well said.
- Sophia
December 4, 2011 at 4:43pm
Sara Mead makes some good points in her recent comments about the Early Learning Challenge, but it’s a tad premature to say the initiative won’t have any significant impact on early learning policy, when the first round of selected states hasn’t even been announced. In fact, states report that already the process has prompted them to make significant progress. Some have even made major changes. Mead suggests the rollout of the Early Learning Challenge was “poorly timed.” Yes, the power of the earlier, K12-focused rounds of Race to the Top was that there was enough front-end lead time for states to enact legislation and significant policy change to position themselves well for the competition. In earlier rounds, states had 25 weeks to apply. With the Challenge, they had eight. We agree that it would have been better had the application period had been longer to allow state legislatures more of a chance to act in support of applications. But even with a compressed timeline, the Challenge already has prompted states to articulate plans for dramatic change, and chart ambitious courses that could lead to legislative change in the years ahead. Many states initiated major regulatory changes as part of the application process. Some have stated intentions to continue working on certain parts of their plans regardless of whether they’re selected later this month to receive federal resources to do so. It’s important to remember that the short timeline was the result of Congress placing the Challenge on a fast track. The alternative rollout would have looked like this: $0. It was exciting that there was any money at all for early learning systems-building this year; many advocates had essentially given up hope until reauthorization of ESEA, likely years down the road. But the Challenge got slipped unexpectedly into Race to the Top appropriations for Fiscal Year 2011, which meant that, by law, the money had to be obligated by the end of the same calendar year. Ideal? No way. Would 25 weeks have been preferable to leverage greater front-end change? You bet. But, yes, given the choice between $500 million for early learning obligated before year’s end and the greater likelihood of nothing for years, we welcomed the investment. Far from being too little too late, the Early Learning Challenge is a major step forward at a critical time for the field. And there’s something to be said for the fact that, despite crazy timelines and enormously complex work, there’s strong and bipartisan demand for this kind of support in states, enough to generate 37 total applications, including 17 from Republican-led states and 18 from Democratic-led ones. (Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia also applied.) It's also worth remembering that many of the most significant changes in Race to the Top were to support applications in the second round – and if Congress authorizes a second round of the Early Learning Challenge on a timeline that allows for state legislative action, we feel confident states will rise to the occasion. We're also more optimistic about the substance of the grant. Ms. Mead is correct that to date, state quality rating systems for early learning haven't been well aligned to child outcomes. But many states – including, hopefully, the winning states – are redesigning QRIS for that very reason. The next generation of QRIS will be aligned to child outcomes, and the Challenge will be a major reason for it. We agree with Ms. Mead that simply adding programs to existing QRIS won't always lead to improved outcomes, but we know states are committed to redesigning QRIS in ways that raise the floor for all programs – and don't set a ceiling on the best ones. In fact, the Challenge requires states to evaluate their QRIS to see how they can be made better, and we think the winning states will be the ones that committed to improving their QRIS on an ongoing basis, starting now. While the Early Learning Challenge hasn’t received the kind of national coverage that Race to the Top has received, there have been a good number of articles written in states around the country, and we hope that the imminent announcement of winners will bring even more attention to this exciting initiative. (Though as a former journalist, I’d suggest the reason for lack of attention has more to do with the dearth of journalists who know much about, are assigned to or even care about early education, not just that the Administration hasn’t done its part to serve it up to them.) We echo Ms. Mead’s sentiment that it would be great for President Obama to talk more about the importance and impact of early learning. We (and many other advocacy groups, no doubt) stand ready to provide about 100 ideas and opportunities for how to do that, if he needs the help. But we also are grateful for what his administration has done in partnership with Congressional champions, and we look forward to him using the Challenge as a jumping off point to showcase many important changes ahead. We love perfection, too, but we’ll happily live with imperfection and a little bit of sausage-making rather than be perfectly disappointed when nothing improves.
- cgrumman
December 8, 2011 at 10:56am