Michael Schaffer

Editorial Director

Today is the last day of publication for the daily Washington Examiner. And with it, it may be time for a bunch of us Washingtonians to let go of a dream we’ve held on to through all sorts of changing media moments: That Washington would develop its own indigenous tabloid.

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Defining Defiance Down

Obama's appointment of Susan Rice as national security advisor is not actually very bold

Obama's appointment of Susan Rice as national security advisor is not actually very bold.

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The Hillary Clinton Movie: The Winners and Losers

A Hollywood screenplay is full of political notables. Who comes off looking best?

We've read the screenplay for the upcoming Hillary Clinton biopic. It's full of political notables. So who comes off looking best?

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It's official: Joe Biden is history's most powerful veep. Just like all the others.

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Katrina, waterboarding, Cheney--what the former president's artwork says about him. 

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Mitt Romney told supporters he's thinking about starting a monthly newsletter. Here's a preview

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Election Morning features some of the worst headlines in all of journalism. Here's a sampling:

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Pervez Dispenser

Some simple rules of thumb for the foreign ex-dictator out to make a mint on the U.S. lecture circuit: Get yourself included in a speakers’ series that features non-controversial names like Laura Bush and Jean-Michel Cousteau. Promise your “august audience” a “frank exchange.” Maybe drop the names of one or two revered American leaders who are your close friends.

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The best news I’ve heard in weeks is that New Haven firefighter Frank Ricci would appear as a witness in Sonia Sotomayor’s confirmation hearings. Ricci, as anyone within cable-TV viewing range of Patrick Buchanan now knows, is the guy who filed a lawsuit accusing his city of reverse discrimination after it threw out the results of a promotion exam because an insufficient number of minorities passed the test. And Sotomayor is the federal judge who let a ruling against Ricci stand, leaving it to the high court to rule in his favor.

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After a quarter century of bloodshed and somewhere over 80,000 deaths, Sri Lanka’s civil war didn’t really settle anything. It began in 1983 in a flawed-but-functioning postcolonial democracy whose leaders never seemed quite up to the task of integrating different ethnicities into one nation. It apparently ended on Sunday, in a still-flawed, newly-swaggering postwar democracy where that basic task of integration remains even more elusive. Fittingly, the last act of the island tragedy took place off-stage, at least as far as the world’s attention was concerned.

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