The latest twist in the Social Security debate isn't progressive benefit cuts or add-on accounts. It's a growing belief among Democrats that the party needs to offer an alternative to the president's proposal. Proponents of this view argue that, while George W. Bush may not have sold many voters on privatization, he has begun convincing them there's a crisis, which Democrats could be blamed for ignoring.At first glance, this logic seems so uncompelling that you're at a loss to explain how anyone could embrace it.
Much of the press coverage of the Schiavo case focused on a now-familiar split within the Republican Party between social conservatives—who insisted nothing mattered more than prolonging Terri Schiavo's life—and anti-government libertarians, who tut-tutted about the Republican leadership's encroachment on local autonomy.
Among the most jarring statistics from last fall's election is John Kerry's 23-point deficit among white, working-class voters. For several months now, liberals have blamed this on Kerry's timid economic message. And, for several months now, the many other explanations for why working-class voters might distrust Kerry--from national security to his Brahmin vacation habits-- have made this economic argument easy to ignore. But, last month, polling expert Ruy Teixeira stumbled onto a data point that made the liberal case far more compelling: Working-class whites not only preferred George W.
If I were a congressional Republican, the thing I'd worry about most is ... well, the thing I'd worry about most is the unwritten rule requiring me to get a really bad haircut. But the second thing I'd worry about is why my party's leadership keeps lying to me about the politics of Social Security. My most recent cause for concern would have been a closed-door meeting between Republican National Committee Chairman Ken Mehlman and Republican senators last Tuesday.
The best way to gauge whether the White House believes it is in a strong position to push Social Security privatization isn't to listen to what the president says--as when he claimed a mandate for reforming the entitlement at his first postelection press conference. It is to consider what the White House is actually doing. And, so far, the only practical step the White House has taken is to search frantically for political cover from congressional Democrats.
Tampa, Florida On a Saturday morning about two weeks before Election Day, I follow Betty Castor, the Democratic U.S. Senate nominee from Florida, to an Albertsons supermarket in Tampa, where senior citizens began lining up at seven o'clock in the morning for scarce flu shots. By the time I arrive at around 10:15 a.m., the line has snaked around the front of the store into the deli section and the bakery. Some of the weary-looking seniors have brought lawn chairs to sit on; others have planted themselves on cases of Capri Sun and Quaker Chewy granola bars.
I've never thought the chances of John Kerry winning this fall were very good, since it's become clear these last four years that George W. Bush and his advisers are more cynical and ruthless than pretty much any group of politicos in the country's history. I figured that even if the race got close--or, God forbid, Kerry surged to a late lead--Rove et al. would pull some dirty trick and that would be that. This may still happen--the forthcoming anti-Kerry "documentary" being exhibit A in this brief. But, after last night, I'm not sure it matters.
Paul O'Neill probably knew what to expect when he showed up for a White House meeting about tax cuts in November 2002. Nearly two years as Treasury secretary should have taught him that the Bush administration never misses an opportunity to cut taxes for the wealthy. And, in case they hadn't, Vice President Dick Cheney clarified the White House's intentions at a meeting earlier in the month. When O'Neill politely suggested to Cheney that a cut in dividend taxes wasn't necessary, as Ron Suskind reports in The Price of Loyalty, Cheney coldly informed him, "We won the midterms.
new york, new york John Kerry may or may not know what agita is. (It's an Italian word for indigestion appropriated by American Jews of my grandparents' generation.) But Neal Turk could give it to him. Turk is the head of Beth Israel, an Orthodox Jewish congregation of some 250 families in Miami Beach. He's visiting New York this week for two reasons. First, to drop in on his son at Yeshiva University in New York City; and second, to attend a Bush-Cheney campaign briefing for Orthodox Jews.