Department of Agriculture
September 21, 1968
A major preoccupation of American social scientists is demonstrating that radicals have no following. According to samplings made for Xerox's "Black America" television specials, for instance, only six percent of black people "approve" of Stokely Carmichael. For all the agitation over community control of schools in New York, the Center for Urban Education reports that only one-third of Bedford-Stuyvesant residents favor community control. These results are hardly a revelation.
The New Party's Smoke-Filled Room
July 26, 1948
Like the older Republicans and Democrats, the young third party is more than mass meetings and platform speeches. It also has top strategists and potent local leaders whose differences must be reconciled off-stage: C. B. “Beanie” Baldwin, with one important difference, stands in the same relationship to Henry Wallace as Jim Farley did to FDR at the beginning of their political alliance. The difference is important in explaining much about the Wallace campaign. Farley came to his task ripe in political experience and rather disinterested in the ideas his candidate was to stand for.
The Shipping Bottleneck
May 25, 1942
THE GREAT DAY arrives. “I christen thee Western Light!” the woman cries.
The Muscle Shoals Lobby
April 16, 1930
THE future of the great government plant at Muscle Shoals is still undecided. The power interests, represented by the Alabama Power Company, have long been trying to get hold of it. So has the American Cyanamid Company, which has asserted, in order to gain farmer support, that it wants to use the plant chiefly to make fertilizer. In its previous session, Congress passed Senator Norris’ bill for government operation, but President Coolidge killed it by a pocket veto.