John C. Calhoun
McConnell called Paul "the most credible candidate for president ... since Henry Clay." Ouch!
How That Confederate Flag at the White House Got There
October 13, 2013
The 21st-century GOP and the 19th-century Confederacy: An intellectual romance
October 26, 2011
I. The American dream of politics without conflict, and of politics without political parties, has a history as old as American politics. Anyone carried along on the political currents since 2008, however, might be forgiven for thinking that the dream is something new—and that a transformative era was finally at hand, in which the old politics of intense partisan conflict, based on misunderstanding, miscommunication, and misanthropy, could be curbed if not ended. After the presidency of George W.
The Mental State
October 06, 2010
Jason Zengerle's 2010 chronicle of South Carolina's nutty politicians.
States of Anarchy
March 30, 2010
Historical amnesia is as dangerously disorienting for a nation as for an individual. So it is with the current wave of enthusiasm for “states’ rights,” “interposition,” and “nullification”—the claim that state legislatures or special state conventions or referendums have the legitimate power to declare federal laws null and void within their own state borders. The idea was broached most vociferously in defense of the slave South by John C.
From The Tnr Archive: Kill The Filibuster
February 16, 2009
Here's Jonathan Cohn's essay against the practice, written long before it was a cool Democratic position to have: Fighting Bush's judicial nominees on the merits of their views will inevitably draw Democrats into at least a few cultural debates they probably don't want to have right now. But, in a sense, that's precisely the point. The filibuster has become a crutch for Democrats, a way to defend their programs and values without having to actually win over voters.
Lincoln v. Lincoln
May 10, 2004
by Jeffrey Rosen
Freedoms and Feelings
April 07, 2003
I. The Passions of Andrew Jackson by Andrew Burstein (Alfred A. Knopf, 292 pp., $25) Early in 1834, at the height of his war with the Second Bank of the United States, President Andrew Jackson received at the White House several deputations of businessmen, who pleaded with him to change course. Believing that the Bank was an unrepublican, unaccountable monopoly, Jackson had vetoed its federal recharter and ordered the government's deposits in it removed.