John Sides

The Ecstasy and Agonies of a Permanent Democratic Majority
November 16, 2012

Why the Obama coalition might still flop.

Obama’s Stunning Ohio Turnaround
September 25, 2012

The story of the 2012 campaign is Obama's success in the swing state he was thought to be weakest in: Ohio. How did he pull it off?

Exploding the Reagan 1980 Comeback Myth
September 12, 2012

After an Obama bounce prompted a wave of articles about Romney’s dwindling chances, Romney’s pollster Neil Newhouse published a memo detailing the case for a comeback. Perhaps the most striking element of the memo was the complete absence of polling data, but his strained reconceptualization of the 1980 race was also highly unusual. Newhouse contended that Carter led by nearly 10 percentage points in late October and asserted that this year would see a rerun of that campaign.

How to Read Post-Convention Polls: It’s Not Just About the Biggest Bounce
August 30, 2012

It doesn't matter very much whether Obama gets a 2 or a 6 point bounce.

The Obama Campaign’s Attack-Ad Edge, Revealed
July 24, 2012

Last night, I had the good fortune to be part of a small gathering of reporters assembled by a quartet of top political scientists who have embarked on an effort to analyze voter opinion in the 2012 election at a level of depth and nuance beyond what we’ve managed in past years. A centerpiece of the effort is their attempt to gauge voter response to the ads that are already crowding the airwaves in battleground states.

Stop Talking About the ‘Catholic Vote’! It Doesn’t Exist
February 20, 2012

When the Obama administration announced last month that religiously-affiliated institutions would be required to provide health plans covering contraception, there was widespread talk that a wedge issue was emerging. Several prominent Catholic liberals were quick to point out that Obama would lose the Catholic vote and seriously damage his re-election prospects.

SC Was All About Romney's Weakness, Not Newt's Strength
January 21, 2012

The story of 2011 was that Republicans had a frontrunner they weren’t in love with. Mitt Romney spent the entire year below 25 percent in national polls; a new Mitt alternative surged ahead of him every few weeks, only to collapse when it turned out he or she couldn’t pass an eighth grade civics class. The pundits concluded from this that Romney’s grip on the nomination was tenuous and that, even after his (apparent) Iowa win, the race was a lot less stable than it looked.

Obama’s Unhealthy Obsession With Independents
August 02, 2011

The debt ceiling deal has been struck and the score looks to be in the neighborhood of Republicans: a zillion, Democrats: zero. It is perhaps the inevitable outcome of a process in which Obama treated GOP default-threatening tactics as legitimate and accepted the GOP framework that cutting debt, not creating jobs, was the country’s central problem. As a result, we have a deal that severely undercuts Democratic policy priorities and cuts government spending just as the economic recovery is showing signs of tanking. Just how, exactly, did it come to this?

Could a Deficit Deal Revive Liberalism?
July 16, 2011

One of President Obama's more provocative comments from Friday's press conference was an argument he made to fellow liberals: If you are a progressive, you should be concerned about debt and deficit just as much as if you're a conservative.

The Politics Of Hostage-Shooting
July 13, 2011

The overview of the Republican position right now is that the overwhelming majority of Republicans do not want to cut a deal with President Obama to reduce the deficit in return for raising the debt ceiling. They don't want this deal even if it's very friendly to their ideological position. The split is over what to do instead. The craziest House Republicans (and Mitt Romney) want to continue holding the debt ceiling hostage until Obama gives them total capitulation, like a balanced budget amendment. Mitch McConnell just wants to lift the thing and stick Democrats with the vote.