The group blog of The New Republic
September 18, 2007
I'm hardly the first to point this out--see, for example, E.J. Dionne's column today--but the extent to which Hillary Clinton has turned a perceived liability (health care) into an asset is pretty remarkable. It reminds me a bit of a diarist Jon Chait wrote several years ago on an unrelated subject:
In today's Washington Post, a piece about older folks having sex contains a priceless quote from an area psychologist that pretty much confirms my long-held, unscientifically researched biases about marriage, relationships, and men in general: "A man can have all these problems with his wife, but when we fix the sex life, the other things go away." Have truer words ever been spoken? Seriously.
September 17, 2007
"Bushy beards and black head-to-toe cloaks for women have become common at the club, which the armed Islamic movement torched in June after routing the secular Fatah party on the streets."--The Washington Post, today
In a few hours, Hillary Clinton will be rolling out her health care plan before an audience in Iowa. When she does, I'll have more to say on it. But here's what I can tell you now, based on interviews with her advisers and some outside experts over the last few days.
As Laura Meckler first reported in the Wall Street Journal on Saturday, Clinton's plan is very ambitious -- as far-reaching, in the broad sense, as the one John Edwards first proposed back in January. Indeed, the basic framework of the Clinton plan is strikingly simliar to that in the Edwards plan.
Seems I'm not the only person fretting about Fred's health and fitness these days. Check out this concerned post over on RedState.com, making reference to the new Ask Fred web spots up on the candidate's site.
In addition to gaining back some weight, maybe Thompson should consider daily power naps.
I stopped into a Jack Murtha speech this morning reacting to the Petraeus hoopla, and he seems to have fully internalized the critique that Democrats haven't been able to do a damned thing on the war. The speech was a timeline of his various calls for change on Iraq -- a structure which merely served to highlight the sad fact that none of these calls had resulted in a substantive policy shift: