United States

Correspondence
and
July 17, 1935

An Omen for America Sir: In the name of a group of Cuban revolutionary exiles I would like to call your attention to the following considerations: Cuba’s situation is not today being given the same consideration it has received in analogous circumstances in the past.

What the Working Class Reads
July 17, 1935

Some time ago Mr. Louis Adamic contributed to The Saturday Review of Literature a curious article called “What the Proletariat Reads”—curious because in spite of its title and subtitle, “Conclusions Based on a Year’s Study of Hundreds ofWorkers Throughout the United States,” it had nothing whatever to do with what the proletariat reads. In fact, it was all about what the proletariat does not read, and since there are many books the proletariat does not read, has never heard of and does not give a damn about, it is obvious that Mr.

The Good Giant and the A.A.A.
July 17, 1935

Public opinion, which once upon a time was only a symbolic figure in cartoons, has become a valuable commercial property. The banners and buttons of World War propaganda showed, as one writer has explained, “the possibilities of molding public opinion toward an objective. Its success convinced leaders how vital it is to gauge public reaction to ideas or products; how necessary it is to get public support.” And big business, having learned the technique of selling its products, is now trying to sell itself.

The Week
July 17, 1935

The President took a thorough beating from the House of Representatives when by a large majority it rejected his earnest plea to pass the bill abolishing public-utility holding companies. His only hope in the matter is now that the Senate will favor this clause—though if it does so, the margin can hardly be more than two or three votes—and that while the difference is being adjusted in conference an investigation of utility lobbying will bring to time the recalcitrant Democrats in the House.

The New Deal is Constitutional
November 15, 1933

There appears to be a very generally entertained notion among both liberals and conservatives, that if the Supreme Court of the United States upholds the recent recovery legislation it will be compelled to invent a complete new set of legal terminology, to tear up familiar constitutional landmarks and to graft new doctrine on an ancient document. It is popularly supposed to require a sort of dialectic earthquake, which will leave huge fissures in constitutional logic. It threatens even to create an unconstitutional habit of thought about constitutional issues.

Should the Budget Be Balanced?
April 20, 1932

American industry possesses the finest physical plant in the world, but our ability to get goods from it depends, of course, upon the skill with which we manage it. Never has this truth been more important than today when we are engaging in much reckless talk about the necessity of balancing the budget.

Britain’s Archaic Tariff
February 24, 1932

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What Do The Liberals Hope For?
February 10, 1932

IT IS CURIOUS to read today the writings of the American liberals in the days just before the depression. No matter how realistic they seemed to be, they all had a way of ending in bursts of language that left you blank. Consider, for example, the conclusion of Stuart Chase's pamphlet on "Waste and the Machine Age." Stuart Chase is perhaps the vividest writer of the liberal camp; he has an unusual knack of making statistics take shape as things and people.

Religion and Love in Russia
December 23, 1931

The opium of the people—The anti-religious campaign in Russia goes forward steadily, though its character has been much changed of late. As with the work of bringing the peasants into the collective farms, the government found that it had been going too fast and that the zeal of Communists in the villages had led them into undesirable excesses. The new principle is that no church is to be destroyed or put to other uses, unless a majority of the communicants desire it, whether this means leaving it open one year or ten.

A Federal Economic Council
April 29, 1931

MUCH THINKING on the nature and methods of our economic system has been stirred up by recent events. The spectacle of the most advanced industrial country in the world suddenly hurled from the heights of prosperity into depression was a shock even to the firm believers in the providential working of natural economic law. Most people have been aroused to a sense of humiliation at the sight of an economically sound country unable to use its resources and to direct its economic destinies.

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