Insofar as goodwill can carry us through the next two years, the future is promising. Mr. Ford’s geniality, his informality, his sincerity and determination to do right lift the spirit. Watching the broad smile that never left the face of the Speaker of the House as he listened to President Ford address Congress last week, one knew that Mr. Nixon had really departed, that we had in his place a leader who is liked, who says what he means and means what he says. When the President spoke the word “candor,” it was as if one had suddenly met a long-lost and cherished friend.
This is a hell of a time, I know, to seek attention for a fresh approach to the problem of inflation. Who is interested?
Oriana Fallaci: You said in another interview: “If I could have my life over again, I’d be a violinist, a surgeon, an archaeologist or a polo player, anything except a king.” Mohammed Reza Pahlevi: I don’t remember saying that, but if I did, I was referring to the fact that a king’s job is a big headache. But that doesn’t mean I’d be ready to give it up. I believe in what I am and in what I’m doing too much for that. Where there’s no monarchy, there’s anarchy, or an oligarchy or a dictatorship. Besides, a monarchy is the only possible means to govern Iran.
Continuing American participation in the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) militates against prospects for any effective reassertion by Congress of its foreign policy role in Southeast Asia. Yet the Senate still displays a remarkable complacency toward the survival of SEATO. Though recently dormant, that old treaty is still alive, operative and available as an instrument for further presidentially initiated intervention.
If the members and staff of the Senate Watergate committee were smarter than they have been up to now, they would be preparing to make the President sorry that, at his August 22 press conference in San Clemente, he mentioned Clark MacGregor and thereby drew attention to a deposition that MacGregor gave under oath in a civil suit last July 20. MacGregor was the second and last director of Mr. Nixon's Committee for the Re-election of the President.
Trying to evaluate the foreign policy of the Nixon administration during its first term, one must, as always in foreign policy, distinguish between rhetoric and policy. Rhetoric and policy may by and large coincide, one reflecting the other, or a wide gap may separate the two. In the latter case, what governments do is more important than what they say they are doing or are going to do.
The pursuit of happiness shapes our manufacture and consumption, work and leisure, conservation and despoliation - activities which can’t go on freely and simultaneously without colliding. You can’t cut a redwood and enjoy its natural majesty, too.
Fewer voters will go to the polls in two weeks than did in the last Presidential election. This decline will occasion no surprise. Presidents know that voters take midterm congressional elections far less seriously than Presidential elections; they also know the resulting threat that mid-term elections pose for them. Lyndon Johnson presumed that the 38 Democratic congressmen elected in 1964 would be likely casualties in 1966. So be rammed through his Great Society program before the '66 election.
In these cheerless times, we search with special diligence for any scrap of good news. So we study the President's latest plan for peace in Indochina, and the background briefing, hoping to find something that justifies the extravagant claims (new, sweeping, comprehensive) made for it. We're still searching. As a domestic political document, it is compelling.