Recep Tayyip Erdogan

Water Cannons on Taksim Square

A tear-gas confrontation on Saturday night. A rally for Erdogan on Sunday.

On Saturday night, police move the protesters out. Across the river the next day, the Prime Minister holds a rally.

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Erdogan's Politics of Polarization

Turkey's prime minister benefits from antagonizing the protesters

Why is Turkey's prime minister acting so divisive in the face of the Istanbul protests? Because he benefits from antagonizing the protesters

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Scenes from the Gezi Park Protests

In booming Istanbul, the middle class Erdogan helped create has turned on him

The Turkish protests are about secularism. But they're also about money, gentrification, democracy, and the last bits of open space in Istanbul.

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As his time as prime minister heads to a close, he seems to have transformed himself yet again: The hardliner has become a peacemaker.

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Yes, Israel just enjoyed 40 years of peace. No longer.

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Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan talks tough when it comes to Syria -- and Turkish liberals are pushing back.

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Observers of the growing humanitarian crisis in Syria are increasingly worried that the conflict will turn into sectarian struggle, and with good reason: The Assad regime has enjoyed overwhelming support among Syria’s minority Alawite population while the country’s Sunni majority is leading the anti-Assad rebellion. But the conflict poses another risk.

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Not Fade Away

Before 2013 begins, catch up on the best of 2012. From now until the New Year, we will be re-posting some of The New Republic’s most thought-provoking pieces of the year. Enjoy.Note: At the State of the Union on January 26, President Barack Obama argued, "Anyone who tells you that America is in decline or that our influence has waned, doesn't know what they're talking about."  According to a Foreign Policy report, the president had read and been influenced by the TNR article below, discussing it at length in an off-the-record meeting on the afternoon of the speech.  I.Is the United States in decline, as so many seem to believe these days? Or are Americans in danger of committing pre-emptive superpower suicide out of a misplaced fear of their own declining power? A great deal depends on the answer to these questions. The present world order—characterized by an unprecedented number of democratic nations; a greater global prosperity, even with the current crisis, than the world has ever known; and a long peace among great powers—reflects American principles and preferences, and was built and preserved by American power in all its political, economic, and military dimensions. If American power declines, this world order will decline with it. It will be replaced by some other kind of order, reflecting the desires and the qualities of other world powers. Or perhaps it will simply collapse, as the European world order collapsed in the first half of the twentieth century. The belief, held by many, that even with diminished American power “the underlying foundations of the liberal international order will survive and thrive,” as the political scientist G. John Ikenberry has argued, is a pleasant illusion. American decline, if it is real, will mean a different world for everyone.But how real is it? Much of the commentary on American decline these days rests on rather loose analysis, on impressions that the United States has lost its way, that it has abandoned the virtues that made it successful in the past, that it lacks the will to address the problems it faces. Americans look at other nations whose economies are now in better shape than their own, and seem to have the dynamism that America once had, and they lament, as in the title of Thomas Friedman’s latest book, that “that used to be us.”

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Lawrence Kaplan: America’s Silent Withdrawal From Iraq War is over.  No, really.  “Permanent” bases?  Absolutely not.  A decades-long partnership between Iraq and the United States?  With the American officials who guide the fortunes of the world’s lone superpower and who, doing violence to their word, ordered the last of U.S.

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Forgive the corny metaphors. But it was not I who framed developments in the Arab world with the sequence of the seasons. Still, you need only glance at the papers to recognize that Arab Spring is now Arab Winter without really ever having passed through summer or fall. Spring is, as ever, a romantic memory.  As I write, Reuters reports from the Cairo morgue that 33 to 46 protestors were killed by the police since Saturday—and that nearly 1,300 were wounded and maimed.

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