POLITICS FEBRUARY 19, 2013
-
Read Later
READ LATERAvailable only to subscribers. SUBSCRIBE TODAY
-
Listen
ARTICLE AUDIO
- Font Size
You may have heard that Alan Simpson and Erskine Bowles, matinee idols of the Austerity Über Alles movement, have devised a new budget-slimming plan. That’s not quite right. They’ve produced a very rough outline that’s deliberately short on details because, Bowles says, they want to run the numbers by some think tanks.
Why didn’t they check the numbers before calling the press? To ask that question misses the harrumphing, fist-pounding spirit of Washington’s ongoing budget debate in general, and the Alan-and-Erskine show in particular. At a Politico-sponsored “Playbook” breakfast to introduce the new, um, outline, “Playbook” columnist Mike Allen said he found it “pretty remarkable” that neither Simpson nor Bowles had been granted an audience with President Obama since Election Day (never mind that they’ve met with Jack Lew, Gene Sperling, and others in the White House, and talked to Vice President Joe Biden). Who the hell does Obama think he is? It fell to Bowles humbly to explain that “these guys [have] got a lot on their plate. This is one of the things on their plate.”
The new Simpson-Bowles plan, such as it is, consists of four steps. The first two steps have already been taken. These are:
1. Ten-year reductions in discretionary spending legislated in 2010 and 2011, and caps on future discretionary spending, legislated in 2011. Total savings: $1.85 trillion.
2. Expiration of the Bush tax cuts for income above $450,000 and “minor reductions in discretionary caps and Medicare provider payments,” legislated last month. Total savings: $850 billion.
In Step Two, “savings” means “savings relative to continuation of the status quo,” which is a bit misleading, since the status quo was never going to continue. The Bush tax cuts were set to expire for all incomes as of Jan. 1, 2013. A stricter reckoning would therefore say that the “fiscal cliff” deal (that’s what Step Two is) added about $4 trillion to the deficit relative to what would have happened had Congress done nothing. But Congress was never going to do nothing, if only because raising taxes on lower incomes might have tipped the economy back into recession.
Between these opposite poles of never-going-to-happens stood Obama’s original tax proposal, which was to cancel the Bush tax cuts for incomes above $250,000. That would have shielded the recovery from harm and brought in twice as much revenue. Me, I’d have set the threshold at $100,000, but even the $250,000 threshold would have put deficit reduction within spitting distance of Congress and Obama’s 10-year goal to lower the deficit by $4 trillion (relative to that status quo that was never going to continue).
All this would lead you to think that Simpson and Bowles, nonpartisan truth-tellers that they’re purported to be, would make Step Three enactment of Obama’s $250,000 threshold (or, even better, my $100,000 threshold). I mean, they want to lower the deficit, right? But instead, Step Three is entitlement reforms (mostly Medicare and Medicaid) and … whaa? … lowering income-tax rates in exchange for eliminating or scaling back “most” tax expenditures. Step Four is to keep future spending in line. (Sure, whatever.)
Lowering income-tax rates while eliminating tax breaks would, Simpson and Bowles say, achieve some unspecified quantity of deficit savings. But if your aim is to reduce the deficit, why not get rid of as many tax expenditures as you can while leaving tax rates constant—or, better yet, raising them a bit? Simpson and Bowles would likely say they’re just being realistic about politics. Republicans won’t eliminate loopholes unless they can lower rates, too.
But as long as we’re being realistic, why not be realistic about the likelihood that a lower-rates-for-fewer-loopholes swap will reduce the deficit? Which is about zero. Simpson and Bowles’s insistence on clinging to the tax-reform fantasy demonstrates that their agenda is not limited to deficit reduction. They also want to lower tax rates. Why? They just want to, is all.
4 comments
Eliminating tax expenditures and reducing tax rates leads to . . . . endless deficits. Because tax expenditures grow like kudzu (every deduction or exclusion promotes some worthy activity, or at least the worthy activity of the campaign donors) whereas tax rates, once cut, require an act of God to increase (or, just the same, an act of the Republicans, both unlikely since God is busy and Republicans never, ever agree to rate increases). I won't say BS are frauds, that wouldn't be nice, but what their four step plan (I suggest readers not step in the BS) omits is that it subsumes another enormous payroll tax increase (which is coming anyway, so I suggest to Noah that he reconsider his advice for dropping the income tax increase down to the lowly payroll tax wage base).
- rayward
February 19, 2013 at 4:41pm
Bam. A possible answer just collided with me. The elimination of any tax loophole could be made temporary, and resurrection occurs once a specified period of time has expired, like sentencing guidelines. Those disappointed by the loss of some tax benefit could remain optimistic that a favorite loophole is never really dead, but only dormant. And with Easter just around the corner, this would be a very special gift to the people of the US.
- Doug12
February 19, 2013 at 6:12pm
Simpson-Bowles was always a piece of crap, deficit-hawk, libertarian wacko economics, only very slightly "lite" so that it could claim, falsely, bi-partisan legitimacy. Entitlements are not the reason for our current deficits, failure to collect sufficient taxes is, combined with a huge increase in defense spending since 2000 and a DECLINE in other discretionary spending. The solutions are to cut defense spending and raise taxes, not cut entitlements. The longer-term problem with entitlements is three-fold: (1) The chief reason, medical costs are still out of control and will remain so until we adopt some form of single-payer or government monopsony. But this is not an entitlements problem, it is a huge, real economic problem that will continue to drag us down whether medical care is publicly or privately finances, unless, that is, we simply adopt the "ice-floe solution" and deny medical care to those who cannot afford it. It makes no difference whatsoever whether you pay medicare taxes or medical insurance premiums if the real cost is unaffordable. (2) There is no justification for financing entitlements solely or even principally with regressive payroll taxes. This was supportable when we had a demographic bulge of young workers. Now it is not. But the reason is not that retirement is unaffordable but that the current system for financing it is unworkable. (3) All this is exacerbated by the huge shift in income share to the wealthiest. Since they pay essentially nothing towards entitlements, this means that a smaller and small share of national income is being taxed to support entitlements. The solution is to get rid of payroll taxes, folding them into income taxes, and make the system sharply more progressive to offset the decline in income equality. We can as a nation afford retirement for workers and we cannot afford medical care as now structured, whether we have government financed medical care or not. We have to adopt single-payer. Did I mention that Simpson-Bowles is crap? Gets pretty much everything wrong, although eliminating tax expenditures completely would be a good idea, except in the form of credits which are not really tax expenditures, merely a way to use the tax system to pay the intended benefits.
- roidubouloi
February 20, 2013 at 5:35am
Sometimes I think it's worth reading TNR just for roi's comments, this one among them.
- dsimon
February 20, 2013 at 11:56pm