POLITICS MARCH 16, 2010
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A TNR symposium.
From: Kevin Carey
To: Diane Ravitch, Richard Rothstein, and Ben Wildavsky
Subject: Looking for answers to the problems plaguing education? Diane Ravitch doesn't offer them.
Apostates always make a good story. So it's been no surprise to see Diane's high-profile repudiation of her ideological fellow travelers, chronicled in The Death and Life of a Great American School System, featured prominently in The New York Times and The Washington Post. The book is selling briskly. But those interested in ideas that might actually move our schools to greatness, or even goodness, should look elsewhere.
Diane, you begin your book by saying you've abandoned the policymaker's perspective you acquired as an official in the first Bush administration and are returning to your roots as an historian. This is welcome news, because history is your strength. The early chapters of Death and Life describing major reform efforts in New York City and San Diego are characteristically lucid and succinct.
But the lessons the book draws from these stories are very strange. You've come to see the totality of American education policy from the late 1980s to the present day as a gigantic failure--despite the fact that you supported and promoted those policies of accountability, testing, and school choice for nearly all of that time. You "jumped aboard a bandwagon," but now you have "lost the faith."
The problem with "I was wrong about everything" as the prelude to an argument is that it doesn't exactly inspire confidence in the repudiator's judgment. And, in this case, the book simply trades one pre-defined agenda for another: the collected talking points of the reactionary education establishment. It is a philosophy of resentment and futility, grounded in the conviction that public schools--and the adults within them--can't really be expected to do better than they currently are.
So, if an outsider comes in and improves results and test scores, as Bersin did in San Diego, then results and test scores "may not be the right question" to ask. If different tests show different levels of improvement in New York City under Michael Bloomberg, we should believe whichever results are worse. Multiple econometric studies from respected academics finding that low-income children would benefit hugely from being assigned to the best teachers are lampooned as an "urban myth," because "this is akin to saying that baseball teams should consist only of players who hit over .300 and pitchers who win at least 20 games every season … no such team exists."
Diane, you live in Brooklyn--haven't you heard of the 2009 World Series Champion New York Yankees, whose nine starters averaged 25 home runs apiece during the regular season? If the teachers in the Bronx were as good as the baseball players, students there would learn much more.
Meanwhile, you say the intensive instructional model used by "high-performing charter chains such as KIPP and Achievement First" is "inherently unsustainable because it discourages teacher professionalism and relies on a steady infusion of newcomers." If the schools are high-performing without teacher professionalism, what does that say about professionalism as you define it? And what's unsustainable about relying on a steady infusion of newcomers? If one thing is certain, it's that our colleges will graduate a fresh batch of them every year.
In addition to discounting the possibility of rapid improvement, you also seem oddly blind to the educational dysfunction that ruins so many young lives. You repeatedly slam Washington, D.C.'s reformist superintendant, Michelle Rhee, for shutting down some of the city's most notorious low-performing schools. Most neighborhood schools, you say, are "laden with traditions and memories … their graduates return and … want to see the trophy cases and the old photographs, to hear the echoes in the gymnasium and walk on the playing fields. To close these schools down serves no purpose other than to destroy those memories." This bizarre hypothetical nostalgia is utterly disconnected from the educational dead zones that blight many impoverished neighborhoods, places that students struggle to forget, if they can.
If not school reform, then what? You give a hint in the book's first chapter, where you describe reviewing your collected writings: "I began to see two themes at the center of what I have been writing about for more than four decades. Once constant has been my skepticism about pedagogical fads, enthusiasms, and movements. The other has been a deep belief in the value of a rich, coherent school curriculum." The problem is that your distaste for faddism and naiveté can be overwhelming--you see these sins in everyone you happen to disagree with about anything.
For example (there are many), the book concludes: "Reformers imagine that is easy to create a successful school. It is not." This is complete nonsense. Nobody thinks it's easy to create a successful school, particularly when at-risk children are involved. I have heard dozens of reformers go on about this subject over the years. They're obsessed with the difficulty of building good schools, to the point, frankly, of being pretty hard to shut up about it.
Throughout the book, you accuse those you newly disagree with of believing in, variously, silver bullets, magic feathers, panaceas, quick fixes, and miracle cures. Can we please retire the insulting declaration that "there are no silver bullets"? You may have believed in them once, but that doesn't mean everyone else made the same mistake.
"What, then, can we do to improve schools and education?" the book asks, finally, with twelve pages to go. The first eight of those pages mount an impassioned and persuasive argument for a rich national curriculum. And in this, you are absolutely right. But curricula are only one part of the equation. We also need great teachers to deliver them, assessments to know if student are learning, schools that have overwhelming incentives to support them, and options for parents in an increasingly diverse world. In other words: a rich curriculum and testing, accountability, and choice. As Ben rightly notes, this is exactly the formula Massachusetts used (along with strong unions and fair school funding) to achieve some of the best student learning results in the world.
Meanwhile, Richard, you write at length about the need to provide students with adequate health care. For years, you've asserted that school reform efforts are distracting from more important social welfare goals. Alas, if only President Obama hadn't been seduced by the promise of "miracle schools," he might have signed an expansion of the S-CHIP program into law and gambled his presidency on a massive effort to provide health care to the poor and uninsured. I guess we'll never know.
In the end, Death and Life is painfully short on non-curricular ideas that might actually improve education for those who need it most. The last few pages contain nothing but generalities: "We must encourage schools to use measures of educational accomplishment that are appropriate to the subjects studied." "When schools are struggling, the authorities should do whatever is necessary to improve them." "Teachers must be well educated and know their subjects." That's all on page 238. The complete lack of engagement with how to do these things is striking.
Diane, your collected writings on the history of American education are invaluable. I have a copy of Left Back on my bookshelf and refer to it often. But, while Death and Life succeeds as history, it fails entirely as analysis. Having fought a good fight, you seem to have left the field in weariness and frustration. Let's hope that others don’t follow.
Kevin Carey is the policy director of Education Sector, a non-partisan think tank in Washington, D.C.
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1 comments
Kevin, Kevin, Kevin... Let me just start by assuming that you have worked in a number of poor schools, have an intimate knowledge of the many struggles that face such populations of students and parents - where drugs, crime, prison, delinquency, and behavioral problems are manifest. Let me also assume you've taught at schools where everyone seems generally contented, well rested, fed, secure in their homes and beds. Let me also assume that you have worked with feckless administrations that have no comprehensive vision for a school, and fail to provide vital support where it is needed most - such as disciplinary policy, student intervention, or a basic level of staff leadership building. And you've seen amazing principles that give powerpoint presentations to staff, check in on them frequently, make an effort to hear their concerns and make sure they are well supported, both inside the school and in the community. I'll also assume that you have worked with classrooms full of students whose parents are unavailable for contact, either because they don't return calls or because their phone has been disconnected. Or in some cases you've maybe found an older sibling who has promised to try and help a student with his or her homework because the parent works late and there is no one else around. You've worked in buildings that are falling apart, where extra duties are arbitrarily assigned, or schedules are changed at the last minute, usually by memo. I'll assume you've sat with administrators who have never taught in the kind of environment you have (if they have taught at all), have little content knowledge, have no rapport with children and yet are very comfortable filling in the bubbles on a little evaluation form that they base entirely on about 15 minutes total of your teaching. You've smiled as they complimented you on how nicely you've displayed every single standard for your grade in letters too small to read further than 2 feet away yet somehow manage to take up half a classroom wall. I'll also assume you've had a teacher next door who likes to bad-mouth students in racial tones, yet gets along so well with the principle that despite her daily yelling and obvious lack of management skills somehow manages to keep her job. I'll assume you've struggled with the dilemma of how much to lower your standards in order to keep a student from deciding to give up completely. That you've struggled with what to do with the student who you only see for brief periods of the day, who is grade levels behind, and whose sole mission in life appears to be to do the very minimum to get by, much less make any attempt whatsoever to answer the state tests correctly. I'll assume you've given up your sanity in a daily effort to be the one constant a kid's life, in a world that keeps failing them, for the promise of a decent, salaried union job, with summers off, in which you can reflect on what to do better next year and not worry whether your asshole boss is going to fire you because his boss just didn't like you. Let me assume that you have seen really good teachers, as well as really bad ones. But for the most part they had their own unique style and that what worked for one didn't always work for another. You saw amazing feats of courage and honesty, dedication and sacrifice, as well as depression, anger, panic, confusion and hopelessness. You saw teachers have good years, then bad. You saw some who were amazing in some areas - such as emotional rapport or enthusiasm, yet weak in others, such as discipline or routine. And vice-versa. You saw different classrooms bring out different dynamics. You saw some teachers barely using any of the curriculum, yet achieving great results. You saw others sticking to the script literally minute by minute, and never seeming to get much out of their kids. And so what do you think when you hear the rhetoric of the new progressive reformers: accountability, high standards, incentives, charters, evil unions and all the rest? Does any of it seem like it might make much of a difference? Are unions really standing in the way of good teaching? Are charter schools, with the same population and budget going to be any better at sustaining a positive culture of learning and success than public schools? Just because some schools are able to be effective in the current model despite the odds, does that mean that we should continue that model and blame the majority of cases where the model has broken down for any number of reasons? Is the problem really that all the bad teachers just happen to be at the poorest schools with the most difficult, disadvantaged populations the farthest behind academically, while all the good teachers just happen to be at the nicest schools, with the wealthiest parents and best behaved, most prepared children? Because I assumed the former, I'll also assume the answers to the latter. To the extent that this wasn't reflected in your piece, I'll pretend that it represented some kind of satire about how out-of-touch wonks who graduated from college and went straight into some think tank, read their copy of education week cover to cover and have a completely idealized and unrealistic impression of what goes on in the classrooms they pretend to write about, much less the actual neighborhoods in which these classrooms exist, and who sit in their cozy DC offices and pen odes to some newfangled Utopian scheme that simply won't work on a national or state-wide basis. Because surely, the cognitive dissonance would be just too much to bear. It would be like Orwell climbing out of the coal muck and then writing about how those lazy miners just need to pep up a bit and work a bit smarter in order to avoid those pesky injuries. I'll end with a prescription you seem to think is required of Ms. Ravitch before she goes poking holes in your grand new theories. The achievement gap in America is entirely structural. Our current system basically acts as though there is no such thing as socio-economic status, and that it has little bearing on education outcomes. The new reformers never tire of presenting examples of schools which do with public money what other schools can't. That's fine as far as it goes, which isn't very far. These schools often get outside money, require excessive and unsustainable, non-market-scalable sacrifices from their teachers, or simply enjoy the tidy convenience of having their stars align. The long of the matter is that we are expecting to get similar outcomes with very different populations. If you know the first thing about early childhood and SES in education, you know that poor kids are disadvantaged in many ways, and that shows up in their ability to perform at school. The website schoolperformancemaps.com shows rather neatly just how wedded SES is to API, giving a detailed look at the geography of achievement. Title I funding is a drop in the bucket. While some of it is good, and targeted, it needs to be ramped up tremendously, and expanded beyond the school walls. These are community problems after all that we are talking about. Susan Neuman has done good work on determining what kinds of targeted community programs have produced results in early childhood. The Harlem Children's Zone has incorporated much of this philosophy into its plans. Literally, direct intervention needs to be happening in hospitals - actually sooner. Poor mothers need to be enrolled in parenting programs. Environmental monitoring needs to be done to check for lead and other toxins. Community initiatives need to be created that expand on the public library model, into technology and learning clinics, where parents can learn everything from English to nutrition, to discipline and cognitive behavioral training. Home nurse visits need to be made an integral part of every poor child's life. Academic progress can be monitored, as well as emotional and health check-ups. Because as it stands right now, the kid shows up in Kindergarten out of the blue. He gets a free lunch, and is shunted into a class with 30 other kids. The teacher is then expected to get every body at or above grade level in a positive, rewarding and healthy manner so that school is a place they actually enjoy. But then they're out the door and on their own until tomorrow. Neither the school nor the teacher has the adequate resources to guarantee that every single kid that comes through that door - and then leaves 13 years later - can be adequately said to not have been "left behind". Society has simply not made the commitment, either because of a lack of will or understanding that what we are talking about is nothing less than ending generational poverty as we know it. All this talk of reform is mere diddling around the margins, promising the world and delivering little change at all. In fact, the further the new reformers go towards burning teachers at the stake, the harder it will have become. Because no one in their right mind will be attracted to such a failing, dysfunctional system that offers no promise as a respectable career (I think that's what Diane meant when she referred to "professionalism"), or advocacy for a job that already requires such emotional sacrifice already (remember, it's called "teaching"), let alone being asked to single-handedly end poverty and social immobility. http://supervidoqo.blogspot.com/
- elirector
March 19, 2010 at 12:15am