Edward Kennedy

Harold Pollack is a professor at the University of Chicago School of Social Service Administration and Special Correspondent for The Treatment. A friend asked what I was hoping to hear tonight from President Obama. It’s surprisingly hard to answer this simple question. Like many advocates and political junkies, I listening for implicit and explicit signals concerning particular matters—a strong national insurance exchange, affordability credits up to 400% of the poverty line, and more. I admit these are dry and mechanical things.

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Ed Kilgore is managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute, and a frequent contributor to a variety of political journals.  Politics being politics, there's already talk about who would run in a special election in Massachusetts to succeed the late Edward Kennedy, assuming the legislature there doesn't change the system to allow a gubernatorial appointment.  And in Republicanland, conservative columnist Peter Roff has created a stir by suggesti

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A somewhat unexpected tribute from the NSC chief: Statement by the National Security Advisor General James L.

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A New Obama Conspiracy Theory

Move over birthers. Make way for the rescuers. From an AP article (via Drudge, natch) on whether the Obama's new dog Bo is truly a "rescue dog": Because he was given up by his first owner as a poor fit and is now with his second owners, the Obamas, but never spent time in a shelter or with a rescue group, Bo is a "quasi-rescue dog," says Wayne Pacelle, chief executive of The Humane Society of the United States. Here's where the intrigue comes in: —Bo's breeders happen to have bred Sen. Edward Kennedy's Portuguese water dogs.

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The Big Test

Damon Linker's 2007 article looks into the religious implications of a Romney presidency.

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Getting In

Alan Wolfe: What the immigration debate tells us about who Americans are, and who they want to be.

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Border Wars

A battered yellow school bus rumbles up a bumpy dirt road on the outskirts of Sasabe, a small Mexican town just over the border from Arizona. At the top of the hill, the bus winds around brick and mud huts. Ragged children stand in the doorways, and emaciated dogs forage for scraps. The bus passes dented pickups and old cars without wheels and stops in a dusty clearing, where it disgorges about 40 teenagers dressed in blue jeans and carrying small knapsacks. One boy’s t-shirt features a picture of Che Guevara. A girl’s pale blue top says ADORABLE in sequined letters.

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Border War

John B. Judis: What Arizona teaches us about immigration in America.

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Self Service

To hear Democratic leaders and Democratic political candidates declaim on war is to conclude that liberals are totally incoherent on the subject of power. Liberalism, on the other hand, is quite coherent. It is important to distinguish between the two. Politicians are pulled by public opinion, by calculations of political advantage, and by other nonideological considerations. Hence, the cacophony of liberal voices about war with Iraq.

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When President Clinton signed the Religious Freedom Restoration Act in November, 1993, the South Lawn basked in a bipartisan glow. Designed to overturn the Supreme Court's widely criticized decision in Employment Division v. Smith, which held, in 1990, that the state of Oregon could forbid Native Americans from using illegal peyote as part of their religious rituals, RFRA was supported by an improbably broad coalition of Democrats and Republicans, from Orrin Hatch and Edward Kennedy to the National Islamic Prison Foundation and B'nai B'rith.

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