A roadmap for backseat drivers
As the new military and civilian leadership of Egypt prepares to put some meat on the bare bones of its “road map” for the country's political future, countless pundits have become backseat drivers. I do not consider myself one of them; I do not know what Egyptians should do. But here is what I think bears watching over the short and medium term—and also what has gotten too much attention.What to watch closely in the days ahead
Poor Evo Morales. The leftist Bolivian president was in Moscow on Monday and Tuesday for the Gas Exporting Countries Forum, and must have been feeling quite important indeed.
Three smart choices Obama should make
Three ways Obama can win on the road.
A new day of nationwide protests is unlikely to end well
The Middle Egypt governorate of Beni Suef, an agricultural province located 70 miles south of Cairo, is an Islamist stronghold.
Authoritarian regimes are making games—and dissidents, too
Authoritarian regimes are making games—and dissidents, too.
The New York Times’s Brazil bureau chief, Simon Romero, opens his latest dispatch from São Paulo with an anecdote whose symbolism no newspaper reporter could have resisted: While the protests swelled on his city’s streets last week, Mayor Fernando Haddad was not home. He was not even in Brazil. “He had left for Paris to try to land the 2020 World’s Fair—exactly the kind of expensive, international mega-event that demonstrators nationwide have scorned.”
It was no surprise that, after speaking in private for two hours in Northern Ireland, President Barack Obama and Russian President Vladimir Putin looked “tense and uncomfortable,” or, as the pool report put it, “serious and unsmiling.” Not only did the meeting come on the heels of a year and a half of Russia cynically ratcheting up anti-American sentiments—and harassing Obama’s ambassador—in the country, or g
Fifty years after JFK's visit, and five since his own, Obama returns to Berlin—to a much different mood
Fifty years after JFK's visit, and five since his own, Obama returns to Berlin—to a different mood.
President-elect Hassan Rouhani may challenge the status quo—or become a part of it
Patient resilience has long been a characteristic of the Iranian people. In times of adversity—and the increasing authoritarianism of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his Revolutionary Guards allies, combined with the corrupt and inefficient populism of outgoing President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and his band of brothers, has certainly been one such time—the Iranians wait. And usually, instead of challenging the foe head-on, they try to deliver a stinging blow using the limited tools that adverse times allow them.
Engineering elections in Iran, it turns out, is more difficult than what Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his allies in the Revolutionary Guards had imagined. With Friday's elections a day away, every indication is that a candidate's chances of victory is inversely correlated to their professed or perceived closeness to Khamenei. His son's father-in-law, Gholam Ali Haddad Adel, pulled out when even the regime's own published polls showed him with no more than low-single-digit support. Khamenei's other favored candidate, Saeed Jalili, hitherto in charge of Iran's nuclear negotiations—and praised by sites close to Khamenei as a "living martyr" for the leg he lost in the Iran-Iraq war—has also failed to garner the kind of support the regime hoped. Even among Khamenei's closest circle of advisors, Jalili has been ridiculed for offering nothing but empty slogans.