It's not about not offending. It's about protecting.
In the aftermath of an attack, being careful with language isn't just about not offending sensibilities. It's about protecting people.
The surprising strength of the Latino vote in the 2012 presidential election has created an incentive for the Republican Party, poor performers with Latinos, to rethink their strategy for 2016. It’s also driving calls for change to the nation’s immigration laws. In the past week, lawmakers from both sides of the aisle have spoken publicly about the need for a comprehensive approach to immigration reform. The focus remains on Latinos because they are expected to grow their number of voters by 40 percent, and the Pew Hispanic Center projects the Latino electorate will double in size by 2030. Pr
David Brooks wrote the other day (as a prelude to one of the Strange New Respect Santorum columns that conservatives have been writing these past few days with what strikes me as a deficit of sincerity; Charles Krauthammer has another) that the Republicans are "the party of the white working class." When I saw that I scratched my head, because I had a dim memory of looking into this once and finding that the political affiliation of the white working class was a question complicated by disagreements as to how you define "white working class" and the fact that it's shrinking.
I sincerely hope Newt Gingrich wins the Republican nomination for president: It could bring a healthy candor to our politics and end up boosting the fortunes of liberalism as well. Now, I realize the former Speaker may not be able to convert his current polling spurt into triumph over his main rival, that dodgy I’m-all-businessman, whose too-perfect hair and smile remind me of a middle-aged Ken doll.
Leading conservatives seem to adore Martin Luther King. Jr. As president, George W.
“I want to see some history!” So went Johnny Rotten’s desperate plea in 1977. But the front man for the Sex Pistols, cursed in so many ways, was not cursed with living in especially interesting times. We are. And, yes, it’s all been very adrenalizing, to the point of downright exhilaration and even mass delirium. But, for all the cheap speechifying about civic vigor and American cohesion, September 11 was a curse. Nothing more. In the direct aftermath of September 11, policy- and opinion-makers acted in ways that responded to multiple needs unrelated to that day.
Grover Norquist is always filled with triumphalist theories, and his book elucidates one favorite Norquist claim, that shrinking revenue will turn the Democratic coalition (the "Takings Coalition") against itself in a cannibalistic orgy: The Takings Coalition can hold together as long as there is more money flowing into the state to finance the demands of each constituent group.
One of the bizarre things about John Boehner's debt ceiling bill is that all the Republican opposition has come from the right. Nobody in the party thinks the bill is too recklessly conservative. Amazingly, Republicans all seem to believe Boehner's fairy story about how passage of his bill will lead to Senate Democrats passing it and President Obama signing it. Charles Krauthammer says Obama "won't dare" veto it.
One of the underrated impediments to a debt ceiling hike is the Republican belief that any agreement with President Obama is by definition a bad one. Part of this is the rational partisan urge to deny Obama a big accomplishment he could use to position himself for 2012. Another is a simple heuristic. Budget agreements are convoluted and require assumptions about how present agreements will bind future actors.